To the Current State of the Existence of All Mankind:
After an unequivocal experience of the void or inefficiency of my own current subsisting global economic perspective involving my personal finances, I was called upon by necessity to deliberate with Higher Powers on a new Constitutional Perspective toward a Global Economy. The subject speaks to its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of a union of thought, the safety and welfare of the individual parts of my own life of which it is composed, the fate of a global financial empire in many respects the most interesting and incomprehensible in human history currently in the possession of high-tech idealism within the human experience. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to myself and the people of this planet, by our conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of human beings are really capable or not of establishing long-term effective fiduciary markets from reflection and choice, or whether we are forever destined by accident or force to depend upon current fiduciary inefficiencies or subsist within financial uncertainties that continuously blindside one's future monetary existence. If there be any truth in the remark, the current financial crisis at which I have witnessed all mankind arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the greatest general misfortune or blunder of all mankind. ¶
This idea will add to my own inducements of socioeconomic philanthropy as well as to those of a universal patriotism, to ascend the commanding heights of wealth, peace and of course the emotional prosperity derived only from a unilateral perspective of the human condition which all that is considerate and good within all mankind must feel in order to achieve under current and future events. Happy will it be if my choices should be directed by a judicious estimate of my interests in truth, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously expected by reasonable economic men in full possession of a universal perspective of global market forces. The plan offered to myself to overcome the negative attitude toward effectively deliberating the barriers to entry within global markets affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in my personal discussion a variety of objects foreign to traditional merits, and of views, passions and prejudices of little or any use favorable to the discovery of truth. ¶
Among the most formidable of the obstacles of which my personal perspective will have to encounter may readily distinguished the obvious interests existing in every social class of men in every conscious state of mind and body on Earth to resist the appearance or actual change itself which may hazard a diminution of perceived powers, emoluments, and of consequences held under established fiduciary attitudes; and the perverted ambitions within all classes of men, who will either hope to advance themselves by the confusions of others, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of a universal perspective of global market forces, a hidden empire whose vary existence is interwoven into several partial emotional confederacies from which its union lives and moves under one monetary thought. ¶
It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set issues by reason of the appearance that it views lack merit (merely because followers of a belief system exists in situations that might subject them to various forms of suspicion) and thereby attempt to perceive human interest as ambitious views. Candor and research will oblige me to admit that even such men may bring before me issues actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable—the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that I have, upon many occasions, seen wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that I am not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of any question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized social issues. For in humanity, as in religion, it is equally possible to aim at making proselytes by truth and words. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by lies and persecution through quiet economic warfare or hidden agendas. ¶
And yet, however numerous sentiments will be allowed to be, I have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this exact point in human history as in all former cases of great discussion and changes or modifications within the transformation of the Universal Law of Observation. At this unique point in history torrents of angry and unreasonable malignant passions will be forever chanced as a collaborative republican and democratic effort to be herd while it's propensity towards human indifference & violence permanently hindered. To bare witness to the human souls judge from the conduct within their own principles or organizations, I shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of numerous opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations but existing totally devoid of any bitterness within the doctrine of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of a centralized perspective toward global economic forces will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of global economic liberties. An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of whole peoples, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual contaminant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of a centralized perspective toward global economic forces is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of a centralized perspective toward global economic forces is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, individual interests can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of individual hidden agendas than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of a centralized perspective toward global economic forces. History has taught me in current times that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those ideas who have overturned the liberties of republics and democracies, the greatest number have begun within mindsets paying into an obsequious court of whole peoples; commencing demagogues, and ending in a monetary tyrannical state of human existence. ¶
In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye on all humanity, putting upon my personal guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence my decisions in matters of the utmost moment concerning the general welfare of all mankind, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. I will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of my observations, that proceeds from a source not unfriendly to a new Constitutional Frame of References. Yes, I own to the fact that, after having given it an attentive consideration for over 25 years of research and development, I am clearly of opinion it is of my personal interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the safest course for a centralized perspective toward global economic forces, my dignity, and my happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse myself with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge my convictions, and I will freely lay before all mankind the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all mankind, and may be observed by Mankind and judged of by a God of the universe. God shall deliver a table of global free markets at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth. ¶
I propose, in a series of papers and websites, to discuss the following interesting particulars:
- the utility of a union of monetary thought through Economic Procedural Guidelines
- the insufficiency of my present fiduciary confederation to preserve a monetary union of a global perspective
- the necessity of a System of Thought at least equally energetic to those previously proposed, to the attainment of this object
- the conformity to a global constitutional frame of mind true to the principles of republican and democratic objectives
- its analogy to individualized constitutional frame of references to the state of market forces within global monetary unions
- and lastly, the additional security which its adoption will afford to the preservation of the financial existence of all mankind, to it's universal liberties, and to it's conservation of property.
In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to the attention of all. ¶
It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility of a union of global economic thought, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of a great body of peoples existing in every State of Mind, and one, which it may be imagined and discussed elsewhere, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose a universal perspective, that the mindset established as Gaius Julius Caesar to represent global monetary forces is of too great an extent toward the past to benefit any current general system of thought, and that we must of necessity resort to separate academic confederacies of distinct portions of the whole.1 This form of idealism will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has achieve enough momentum to countenance an open opinion of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the continuation of universal uncertainties within global markets or a fiduciary dismemberment of all mankind. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of a Union of Global Economic Thought, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every known state of existence will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address. ¶
Quintilian [David Avenue] petitioning on behalf of all mankind in standing reference to a literary moment of Alexander Hamilton- The same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is held out in several of the late publications against framing new constitutional perspectives.


